panalo999 free 100 promo
2025-01-08   

panalo999 free 100 promo Mayor Ken Sim says abolition of elected park board will mean $70M in savingsSave articles for later Add articles to your saved list and come back to them any time. Stuck on what to watch, read and listen to during the holidays? Our culture reporters have done the hard work for you. Here are their picks of the best shows, films, podcasts and books from 2024. If it’s good enough for them, it’s definitely good enough for you. Share your favourites in the comments below. Film Challengers (Amazon Prime) Zendaya with Mike Faist (left) and Josh O’Connor in Challengers. Luca Guadagnino’s horny tennis/threesome drama has fallen out of the conversation as a main contender this awards season , but it’s still, hands down, one of my favourite films of the year. And the soundtrack – a pulsating original score of techno bangers composed by Trent Reznor and Atticus Ross – has been on my main rotation while exercising or frantically writing to deadlines since the film’s release in April. If you missed it completely (which means you’ve sadly also missed some of the year’s best memes ), the film follows a 13-year love triangle between an injured tennis star turned coach (Zendaya), her husband now limping towards the end of his successful career (Mike Faist), and his one-time best friend still chasing his shot at glory (Josh O’Connor). It’s a feverish film with frenetic cuts and pounding synth melded through moments of emotional intensity. And while that’s not everyone’s cup of tea, I think it’s exactly what we need more of in cinema: original stories about somewhat regular adult relationships that take big creative swings. If nothing else, it’ll change the way you watch the Australian Open. Meg Watson TV Hit Man (Netflix) Adria Arjona as Madison and Glen Powell as Gary Johnson in Hit Man. Credit: Brian Roedel/Netflix Who would have thought a straight-to-streaming movie would top my list this year? Certainly not me, but that was before I saw Richard Linklater’s ridiculously rewatchable rom-com-thriller Hit Man . Inspired by a 2001 Texas Monthly article by Skip Hollandsworth, the film has a mild-mannered professor (Glen Powell) picking up a gig impersonating assassins for the police. However, his entire moral code is turned on its head after he falls for a woman (Adria Arjona) who hires him to kill her abusive husband. It’s a crime that this film missed out on a proper theatrical release – not only because it stars Powell (surely 2024’s Hollywood sweetheart after Anyone But You and Twisters ) but because of its expert weaving of comedy into a compelling examination of identity and morality. The leading pair ooze chemistry on-screen, Powell somehow makes three-quarter denim pants look hot, and the ending is entirely unpredictable. It’s refreshing to watch something this fun again. So Richard Linklater, thanks for the hit, man. Nell Geraets Ripley (Netflix) Andrew Scott as Tom Ripley in a scene from Ripley. For the first couple of episodes of Steve Zaillian’s take on the chameleonic serial killer Tom Ripley, I wondered why I was watching, and why it existed. After all, Anthony Minghella’s 1999 film The Talented Mr Ripley did such beautiful justice to Patricia Highsmith’s creation (Ripley appears not just in the 1955 novel of that name, but in another four) that it was hard to see what more could be said. But by the third episode, I was completely won over by the slow accretion of detail and lugubrious pacing, by the stunning black-and-white cinematography, and above all by Andrew Scott’s portrayal . In his hands, Ripley is not the young aspirational social climber Matt Damon gave us. Rather, he’s a mid-career petty conman almost at the end of his tether who happens to get incredibly lucky. But he’s such a bumbler that he very nearly blows it, repeatedly. The character, like the show itself, is a tightrope walk, never more than one dreadful misstep from collapse. By its end I wasn’t just grateful to Zaillian for going there, I couldn’t wait to see where he, and Ripley, might take us next. Karl Quinn Podcast Binchtopia Binchtopia podcast hosts, Eliza McLamb (left) and Julia Hava. Credit: Instagram If you want a laugh or just to keep up to speed with internet culture, then the Binchtopia podcast is for you. It will have you speaking like a TikTok-addicted Gen Z after a few episodes, without having to actually watch TikToks. Hosts Julia Hava and Eliza McLamb, the “girlies”, will take you on a journey as they explore concepts such as doomsday prep, lead you down ridiculous Reddit threads, and take on more serious and complex issues such as eating disorders. Highly researched and organically funny, the podcast is ideal listening for lying on the beach or taking a road trip. It strikes a balance between informative and light-hearted, served with a confronting (at first) but endearing vocal fry. Beware – it’s addictive listening. Kayla Olaya Books Playground by Richard Powers Richard Powers, author of The Overstory and Playground. Credit: David Levenson/Getty Weeks after reading this, I am still thinking about it; it’s the best thing I’ve read in 2024. Powers, whose 2018 novel The Overstory was shortlisted for The Booker and also won the Pulitzer for fiction, has essentially written a book that, once you reach the end, has you rethinking the entire story. Longlisted for this year’s Booker, Playground is tricky to describe without spoiling. It follows the intertwined stories of Todd, a billionaire tech giant, Rafi, his college best friend, Rafi’s Polynesian girlfriend Ina and a famous oceanographer, Evie, over several decades. But it’s also a story about the climate crisis, AI, colonialism, the wonders of the ocean and mortality. And in Powers’ hands, each theme is deftly rendered. I’m already thinking about a re-read. Kylie Northover The Passenger and Stella Maris by Cormac McCarthy The late author Cormac McCarthy. Credit: AP The best books you read in a year are often not from that year. So I’m happy to stretch the brief and cite Cormac McCarthy’s masterful final novels, The Passenger and Stella Maris , which were published six weeks apart in late 2022. They tell the stories of Bobby Western and his sister Alicia respectively – complex, wounded geniuses struggling to survive in marginalised America, haunted by their father’s work developing the atomic bomb and their feelings for each other. McCarthy’s writing so erudite, so rich with ideas and so evocative that these two interconnected novels would be the high-water marks of most writers’ careers. But he has also been acclaimed for All The Pretty Horses , Blood Meridian , No Country For Old Men and The Road . I’ve struggled to read McCarthy for years, finding his books too unsettling and emotionally bruising. But that’s changed. I’ve just started his first novel, The Orchard Keeper, and plan to work my way through the rest. Garry Maddox The Transit of Venus by Shirley Hazzard Shirley Hazzard, author of The Transit of Venus. Credit: David Levenson Where the hell have you been, you might well ask when I nominate reading this Australian novel as my fave culture moment of the year; after all, it was published in 1980. The story of orphaned Australians Caroline and Grace Bell making new lives in England starts in the 1950s and ends some time in the 1970s, yet it feels absolutely timeless. Hazzard has a clear eye for personality and character, unflinching but not cruel. She captures, especially in the early pages, the sometimes uneasy relationship between Australians and the world they desperately long to be part of. And she has a deft way with plot: one character’s ultimate demise is signalled soon after we first meet him, though it comes decades in the future; another’s, right at the end, is a shock, a twist, a punch to the guts. Hazzard’s way with language impresses most, especially the way she crafts sentences that are unfinished yet complete. Full of empathy for the desires that guide us and the wrong choices we make, and the fleeting moments of perfection that are so easy to miss, The Transit of Venus is achingly sad and blindingly beautiful. Karl Quinn The Booklist is a weekly newsletter for book lovers from books editor Jason Steger. Get it delivered every Friday .PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter's closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Claro Enterprise Solutions Expands Technology Service Offerings to Accelerate Mergers and Acquisitions IntegrationsCue up the classics: nation's first FM station turns 50

NEW YORK (AP) — Walmart's sweeping rollback of its diversity policies is the strongest indication yet of a profound shift taking hold at U.S. companies that are re-evaluating the legal and political risks associated with bold programs to bolster historically underrepresented groups. The changes announced by the world's biggest retailer on Monday followed a string of legal victories by conservative groups that have filed an onslaught of lawsuits challenging corporate and federal programs aimed at elevating minority and women-owned businesses and employees.

Juan Soto could decide on his next team before or during baseball's winter meetings

Related hot word search:

Previous: panalo999 com
Next: panalo999 vip login